Debates on the Middle East, migration and antisemitism

On 23 February, Germany will elect a new parliament. Following the collapse of the so-called "traffic light" coalition between the centre-left Social Democrats (SPD), the Greens and the liberal-conservative FDP, Chancellor Olaf Scholz is currently leading a caretaker government. 

According to polls, the conservative Union, made up of the CDU and CSU parties, has a strong chance of emerging from the election as the most powerful force. This could make their candidate for chancellor, Friedrich Merz, the next head of government. While CDU Chancellor Angela Merkel made headlines ten years ago when she decided not to turn refugees back at Germany's borders, Merz is now promising to do the opposite—even though some of his proposals could violate German and European law. For instance, he is calling for an expansion of Abschiebehaft, the detention of migrants who are obliged to leave the country, as well as regular deportations to Afghanistan and Syria.

At the end of January, the CDU submitted two motions and a draft bill to the federal parliament, the Bundestag, with Merz explicitly accepting votes from the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD)—a first in German post-war history.

Everyone is talking about migration

In their joint election manifesto, published in December, the CDU and CSU state that they "made mistakes during their time in government—and learned from them," an allusion to the Merkel era post-2015. Now the Union parties want a "fundamental reversal in migration policy". 

The program proposes a "de facto halt on admissions": anyone entering from the Schengen area or another EU member state to apply for asylum in Germany would be turned back. Refugees in Germany are also to receive less cash and more benefits in kind, such as accommodation or hygiene products.  

In addition, the CDU and CSU—like the FDP—want to deny family reunification to people who enjoy "subsidiary protection" (subsidiärer Schutz). This refers to migrants in Germany who have been granted neither asylum nor refugee protection, but who are still allowed to stay because they are threatened with inhumane punishment or other kinds of danger in their home country. This status applies to around a third—or more than 300,000—of Syrians living in Germany. The Union parties even plan to abolish subsidiary protection altogether. Rejected asylum seekers could then be deported, regardless of the threats facing them in their home country.

The CDU, CSU and FDP want to end all voluntary admission programs and declare more countries as "safe countries of origin" (sichere Herkunftsländer). The FDP wants to speed up deportations of migrants who don't have the right to stay in Germany. As enforcement by the states (the Bundesländer) often fails, the FDP wants to transfer responsibility for deportations from the states to the federal government. While the CDU and CSU advocate for asylum seekers to be turned away at the borders, the FDP supports a somewhat weaker "model trial" of barring them entry.

Many of these demands can also be found in the right-wing AfD's manifesto. The party declares that it no longer considers itself bound by European asylum regulations; there is talk of a "U-turn" in migration policy and a "repatriation offensive". The AfD also wants to reinstate the citizenship law as it was before 1990, when the hurdles for the naturalisation of foreigners were much higher, and abolish "church asylum" (Kirchenasyl). Under the principle of church asylum, migrants whose asylum case has been rejected can seek protection from the authorities in a place of worship until their demands are reconsidered. 

 The Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW), which emerged from a split with the Left Party, also wants to limit immigration. "Anyone entering the country from a safe third country has no right to stay. Anyone who does not have the right to stay has no right to an asylum procedure and no right to social benefits," the party writes. Migrants committing serious crimes, the manifesto continues, should lose their right to asylum unless they face the death penalty in their country of origin. 

The centre-left SPD, in its election manifesto, remains committed to the human right to asylum, rejecting "border closures and blanket turnbacks at [the European] internal borders". They also support continuing to allow family reunification for those in need of subsidiary protection but do also want to see the EU's external borders "better protected and controlled". 

According to their election program, the Greens aim to combine "humanity and order" in migration policy while also incorporating "scientific expertise". The party wants to facilitate safe migration routes and "reduce disorderly migration". Partner countries, the Greens write, should take back their nationals who have no right of residence in Germany. 

In contrast, in its election manifesto the leftist party, the Left, clearly criticises a "migration debate from the right" which turns migrants and refugees into "scapegoats for failed policies in the interests of the rich". It wants to increase the proportion of people with a migration background working in public administration.  

Additionally, the Left demands the creation of a "participation council" in which migrants can organise themselves. The council is to be "involved in important decisions in business, science and politics". The party also wants to transfer the task of coordinating migration from the Federal Ministry of the Interior and instead establish a separate "Federal Ministry for Migration and Participation".

Israel-Palestine: the Left demands arms embargo

Like migration, war in the Middle East is a topic of discussion for all parties. Their election manifestos were published at the end of 2024 or the beginning of January, i.e. before the ceasefire agreement for the Gaza Strip came into force.

Many established parties include a commitment to Israel in their manifestos. The CDU/CSU, SPD and FDP refer to Israel's existence or its right to exist as Germany’s "reason of state" (Staatsräson).  

The CDU and CSU seek to "support Israel militarily and end existing export blockades". When it comes to arms exports, the FDP aims to put Israel on an equal footing with NATO partners: "We must provide Israel with everything it needs for its right to self-defence, which is guaranteed under international law." 

The left-of-centre parties also address the situation of civilians in Gaza. The Greens write that the suffering "of the people in Gaza is unbearable" and, like the SPD, they call for a ceasefire. The SPD also insists on an end to "settlement construction in violation of international law" in the West Bank. 

The Left and the BSW demand a complete halt to arms deliveries to Israel. The Left states that it supports the proceedings before the International Criminal Court (ICC) against "those responsible on both sides". It also wants to recognise Palestine as an independent state. The BSW describes Israeli warfare as a "ruthless campaign of revenge and destruction by the Netanyahu government against women and children".

The AfD addresses the issue only briefly. "Our primary interests are the prevention of new mass migration and an incendiary war in the Middle East," writes the right-wing party in its program. However, high-ranking AfD politicians have sided with Israel in the past and called for halting payments to aid organisations for the Palestinians. 

Antisemitism: varying areas of emphasis

The parties' relationships with the state of Israel also greatly influences their stances on anti-Semitism. According to the CDU/CSU, anyone who denies Israel's right to exist should be penalised. To this end, the CDU/CSU want to expand the scope of the law on incitement to hatred (Volksverhetzung). 

In addition, both the CDU/CSU and the FDP seek to cut state funding for civil society organisations that do not support Israel's right to exist or accept the controversial definition of antisemitism put forth by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA). 

The FDP also aims to establish the IHRA definition "comprehensively in the state authorities" and train civil servants accordingly. The party aims to strengthen youth exchanges between Germany and Israel. 

The CDU and CSU emphasise so-called "migrated antisemitism"—a term intended to highlight antisemitic attitudes among Muslim migrants. Antisemitic offenders without a German passport would be deported. Far-right antisemitism, in contrast, is not addressed in any detail. 

The AfD takes a similar stance: "Jewish life in Germany is predominantly threatened by Muslims who are hostile to Jews and Israel," writes the party, using the term "Islamisation".  

The Greens, SPD and the Left use general statements to speak out against antisemitism, regardless of which group the offender belongs to. The SPD also wants to protect Jewish students at universities. The Left calls for the introduction of public holidays for Jews and Muslims. According to their manifesto, the Muslim Eid and Yom Kippur should be made public holidays, "because Islam and Judaism belong to Germany". 

The BSW is the only party to fundamentally criticise the antisemitism resolution, which was passed in the federal parliament in November 2024 with votes from the CDU/CSU, FDP, AfD, Greens and SPD, as it "largely equates criticism of Israel to antisemitism". The BSW distinguishes "between the self-evident protection of Jewish life in Germany and appropriate criticism of Israeli government policy". 

Syria on the sidelines

Not all parties' manifestos address the fall of the Assad dictatorship in Syria. The FDP, say, makes no mention of the political transformation in the country. The CDU mentions Syria twice, yet both times only to highlight its desire to deport migrants back to Syria again.  

The AfD takes a similar stance. It advocates for the deportation of "criminals, dangerous individuals" and "all Syrian citizens who are no longer entitled to protection". To realise this, the party wants to initiate talks with the new Syrian government. The AfD also seeks to heavily promote the voluntary return of Syrians. 

The Left, meanwhile, calls for "democratic elections" and guaranteed "human and basic rights" in Syria. It also highlights the predominantly Kurdish areas in northeast Syria, arguing that regional militias and the Turkish military must not be allowed to threaten the autonomy of Rojava. It seeksto establish diplomatic relations with the autonomous forces and stop arms deliveries to Turkey. 

The BSW positions itself less clearly. The party states that the fall of Assad "was a cause for joy and relief for many Syrians", but that the new Islamist rulers could cause further instability. 

The Greens also express their delight at the fall of the dictator. The party supports the "hope of many Syrians for a life of peace and freedom". In early January, Green politician and current Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock travelled to Syria to meet with the new ruler Ahmed al-Sharaa.  

The SPD has similar views. They state that "the protection and participation of the numerous religious, ethnic and confessional groups" and "the protection of human rights, especially women's rights" are of central importance for the reconstruction of Syria.