The School of the Taliban Presents Itself as Apolitical

​​The room lies at the end of dark courtyards and narrow corridors in the very heart of the Darul Uloom in Deoband, the most important Islamic religious school in Asia. The shutters are closed against the heat of the north Indian summer. Sayyed Anwer, one of the two English teachers at the school sits in semi-darkness on a straw mat with an open copy of the Koran by his side. Like everyone here, he wears a thick beard, a long shirt, and an embroidered cap. The pearls of his prayer beads slide through his fingers.

No, he asserts, the Darul Uloom has never had any connection with terrorism. "After the attacks of 2001, everyone pointed the finger at us, but the students here search for spiritual insight. They have no interest in political matters," says the teacher and smiles as if the idea of a link to terrorism was totally absurd. Yet after the attack on the Indian Parliament in December 2001, suspicion against the school ran so high that the government had it repeatedly searched.

Keeping out of official politics

In fact, Darul Uloom is more than just a seminary where young men study holy scriptures in order to someday become mullahs or Koran teachers. It is the springboard of an Islamic awakening movement that now boasts thousands of schools worldwide and whose most radical representatives are found in the Taliban of Afghanistan. It was namely the Koran schools of the Deobandi movement that replaced state schools in the Afghan refugee camps from where the Taliban emerged.

​​After the attacks of 2001, Darul Uloom acquired the reputation of a terrorist workshop. A direct involvement in the attacks, however, has never been established. "Theoretically, the Deobandis aim to establish an Islamic state in India as well," explains Azhad Alam, who conducts research on the Islamic educational sector at the Jamia Millia University in Delhi. "However, in predominantly Hindu India, the Deobandis have accepted that the secular state system offers, for the moment, the best protection for Muslims."

Founded in 1866 in order to strengthen the identity of Muslims living under the increasing influence of the British, the school did take part in the freedom struggle against the British, yet since India's independence in 1947, it has made a point to keep out of politics. In the same way, it rejects any state influence. After the attacks of 2001, the state attempted to introduce secular subjects into the curriculum of religious schools. The Deobandis turned down the funds offered by the state to implement such changes.

Antiquated content and methodology

The curriculum remains focused on studying the Koran as well as on Islamic law and the Arabic language. Subjects such as logic and mathematics enjoy less esteem. Natural sciences are not taught at all. "When the school was founded, it was very modern," says the researcher Azhad Alam. "At the time, it was an innovation to study at a fixed school according to a set curriculum with controlled exams. Today, however, the content and methodology of the program is antiquated."

The school administration is aware that the seminary has to modernize, yet they find it difficult. Nonetheless, in 2001, they introduced English and computer courses. "This was very controversial," says Naushad Alam and smiles. The young man with a curly beard sits down on the straw mat next to Sayyid Anwer, his teacher in the two-year post-graduate course in English that he is enrolled in along with only 22 other students.

​​Like many of the students, Naushad Alam comes from Bihar, the poorhouse of India. In contrast to most of them, he had the opportunity to study at a secular university, because his father is an English teacher and his brother studies biology. He nonetheless chose an education to become a religious scholar, a profession that commands high esteem in the still traditionally minded Indian society. Especially in villages, the mullah remains an authority figure.

Talking with him, it becomes clear where the radicalism of the Deobandis lies. When asked about their relationship to Shiites and Ahmadis, a small Islamic sect, he answers definitively that they are not Muslims, but rather unbelievers. Since the school was founded, one of the central occupations of the Deobandis has been the fight against Shiites and Ahmadis. It is a fight that the Taliban bloodily pursued during their rule in Afghanistan.

Muslim conspiracy theories

As the discussion turns to the role of women, the otherwise friendly man becomes severe. "Nowhere are more women raped than in America," says Naushad Alam, "And why? It is because the women there are not properly covered and provoke the men. In Saudi Arabia, where the women wear the veil, there is not a single case of rape." Islam respects women, he says. They are in no way forbidden to leave the house – they are merely not allowed any contact with strange men.

Sayyed Anwer, his English teacher, returns to the accusations of terrorism himself. "How can we be terrorists? We are poor and have no weapons. Everyone has already seen that there were no weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. Nonetheless, America attacked the country and now hundreds of Muslims die every day," he says accusingly. For Sayyed Anwer, one thing is certain – Muslims are being persecuted everywhere in the world – in Iraq, in Palestine, in Afghanistan, and also in India. And there is no reason for this.

"It has never been proven that the attacks on the World Trade Center were carried out by Muslims," he says, and for a moment the prayer beads stop moving. Whoever allies itself to America, he continues, shouldn't be surprised if attacks occur in which innocent people die. The call of the muezzin echoes over the roofs. It is time for prayer. Sayyed Anwer lets his guest go first as he steps out into the courtyard. He is a polite host.

Ulrich Schwerin

© Qantara.de 2008

Translated from the German by John Bergeron

Ulrich Schwerin is a German journalist focusing on issues related to Islam.

Qantarta.de

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