Morocco's police state makes a comeback

The actual manifestations of Morocco's regression vary, as do its methods, depending on the sphere of activity: from a political stalemate, a monopolistic economy, a tightening of the noose on civil society, to restrictions on the press and the media by lavishing praise on the chorus of acolytes within their ranks.

The process picked up speed as decision-makers gave greater weight to security in their approach to many issues facing Morocco, such as the Rif movement, the demonstrations in Jerada and the case of the contract teachers. In so doing, they contradicted the rumours circulating that security measures previously taken by the government had been wrongly conceived and that the State was just waiting for the right moment to correct them.

The Makhzen or deep state is relying on force and violence in order to recoup past losses and rebuild its image which, it was believed, had been shaken under pressure from the street during the days of the Arab Spring.

Unable to withstand the pressure

Most of the groups involved including the parties, the unions and civil organisations have picked up on this, abandoning their previously confrontational stances as a result. They have toned down the criticism in their rhetoric, and the scale of opposition to the state, to the government and to public policies is now far less than it was during the early years following the re-drafting of the constitution.

At the same time, a group of democrats (intellectuals, academics, lawyers, journalists and artists) are continuing to push forward and to make the most of the little freedom they still have. They have maintained the struggle for democracy and continue to confront tyranny. They seek to do this by exposing corruption and those behind it, based primarily on the precedents in the constitution, as well as the gains which have been achieved in the years since it was promulgated.

The curtain was brought down on the Moroccan version of the Arab Spring by the Makhzen reverting to its old tricks. Despite this, a group of mischievous dreamers, or "nutters" as the previous Minister of Finance used to call them, continue to needle the bureaucrats every now and then with their dreams of building a democracy. This is driving the state’s functionaries to look for ways of bringing these daydreamers "to their senses" and remind them that the days of revolution are over, for good.

These visionaries have only the independent press to get their message out, all the more so since the regime has begun carefully targetting well-known journalists. In this way, the regime has gone after people with a long track record as advocates of democracy and who as journalists expose the dirty games played by both the allies of tyranny and those who move in the circles of power.

Morocco's dismal press freedom record

The regime is eager to avoid being accused of restricting the freedom of the press and the media, and it is not about to compromise its already poor standing: Morocco ranks 135th in the world and 39th in Africa on the World Press Freedom Index. To this end, it is seeking to hound dissenting voices by bringing criminal cases of an ‘ethical’ or ‘security’ nature, using the tabloid press to defame the individuals, even before any conviction has been secured.

It began with the journalist Ali Anouzla, editor-in-chief of Lakome news website, after he wrote an expose in July 2013 about the royal pardon which was granted to the Spanish serial child rapist Daniel Galvan. Two months later, Anouzla was arrested by the authorities, in accordance with the country’s law on terrorism, after his website published a report about al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), which included a link to a Spanish news website allegedly containing a video by AQIM.

In this way, the Public Prosecutor turned a journalistic investigation aimed at disseminating news into a case of incitement to terrorism. The press law allows little room for interpretation and thus the authorities thought it appropriate to take the journalist to task on terrorism charges. All this despite the fact that Anouzla took his website down and issued a statement denouncing terrorism.

Meanwhile, Hamid El Mahdaoui, the founder and editor-in-chief of Badil.info is serving a three-year sentence in prison after he was arrested in the street in Al Hoceima as he was filming a demonstration on 20 July 2017. The prosecution accused him of "failing to report matters of national security", after he received a phone call from a Moroccan man living in Holland who told him that weapons had been sent to the leaders of the Rif movement. Mahdaoui categorically denies the charges and maintains that he is paying the price for his support and advocacy for the demands of the Rif movement.

Disastrous criticism of the power apparatus

Independent daily newspaper Akhbar al Yaoum is the latest media entity to be targeted, in a series of measures which portend the return of the security state. Last year Taoufik Bouachrine, its editor-in-chief, was given a 12-year sentence on charges of abusing his office to conduct human trafficking and sexual assault. His sentence has since been extended by a further three years.

It is certain, however, that what led to his arrest were his provocative pen and his powerful and audacious editorials. Indeed, some of his articles even went so far as to offer advice to the King. By criticising the web of corruption within the state apparatus, which, judging by the unrest that his articles have caused in several Arab countries, evidently extends as far as abroad, Bouachrine also turned various factions in the regime against himself.

Akhbar al Yaoum’s continuation of the same editorial line and its heightened criticism of the situation in Morocco, led to the arrest of Hajar Raissouni, one of its reporters. Raissouni was arrested as she was leaving an obstetric medicine clinic with her Sudanese fiancé and charged with "having an illegal abortion". This was denied by her doctor who received a prison sentence for allegedly performing the operation. Moreover, the gynaecological examination to which Raissouni was subjected on the order of the Public Prosecutor proved her accusers wrong.

Deep state undermining democratic achievements

Raissouni was sentenced to a year in jail, remaining in prison during the trial, although there were sufficient safeguards to release her for the duration of the hearing. What is more, as per the Mudawana (ed: the family code in Moroccan law), the affair did not break any law. According to the law, a public engagement is considered tantamount to marriage, with the effect that the sexual relationship and presumed pregnancy were legal and the prosecutor’s claims baseless.

Since the revolutionary mood in the whole region subsided, the deep state in Morocco has been working to undo what democratic achievements have been achieved so far. Any constitution, no matter how progressive, will always be hostage to arcane cultural and political fortune, which in effect controls its application and interprets the law.

In other words, the letter of the Moroccan constitution is not necessarily reflected in the political reality, especially since the Makhzen has no intention of letting go of its authoritarian and repressive past.

Mohamed Taifouri

© Qantara.de 2019

Translated from the Arabic by Chris Somes-Charlton