High-Stakes Power Struggle with the Supreme Leader

With their growing influence in the Assembly of Experts, radical Islamic forces are seeking confrontation with conservative pragmatists and thereby even putting pressure on the religious leader Ali Khamenei. By Faraj Sarkohi

While media focus on the confrontation between Iran and the international community concerning the atomic issue has overshadowed all other problems of the country, government factions are fighting over another issue, which could have crucial significance for the future of the Islamic Republic.

At one of the last sessions of the "Assembly of Experts" (Majles-e-Khobregan), a congressional body that selects the religious and political Supreme Leader of Iran (Rahbar) and supervises his activities, two influential Grand Ayatollahs were engaged in a theological and hermeneutic dispute along scholastic lines that nonetheless touched upon one of the most current challenges facing the Islamic Republic - the "selection" or the "election" of the Rahbar.

The members of the Assembly of Experts are directly elected by the public. Those qualifying as candidates for election are Islamic legal scholars (fuqaha) and religious mujtahids, clerics who have completed religious studies and have the right to proclaim fatwas. The election of the Assembly of Experts is approaching, and the fight for seats has already begun among the various government factions.

Quarrel between ayatollahs: Meshkini contra Yazdi

A dispute between Ayatollah Meshkini, the chairman of the Assembly of Experts, which selects the Supreme Leader of Iran and supervises his activities, and Ayatollah Yazdi, the body's deputy chairman and former head of the judiciary system, was suddenly broken off during a public session and postponed for a later closed meeting.

In this conflict, Ayatollah Yazdi enjoys the support of Ayatollah Mesbah, who not only exerts considerable influence upon the president and the majority of the parliament, but is also an influential figure with the Revolutionary Guard, the army, and the secret police.

The discussion between the two Grand Ayatollahs, which has found expression within the state media as well as in religious universities and mosques, is taking place in the form of a theological-scholastic debate. However, this debate also reflects current contradictions within the Iranian government.

Authority of the Supreme Leader

According to the Iranian constitution, the country's religious and political Supreme Leader is responsible for and determines the direction of domestic and foreign policy, as well as matters of security, the economy and culture. He is the supreme commander of the armed forces, which includes the army, the Revolutionary Guard, the Basij (an Iranian paramilitary force), and the secret police, and also selects the head of the judiciary as well as members of the Guardian Council of the Constitution, which is composed of Islamic clerics and lawyers.

The Guardian Council, in turn, determines which candidates qualify to run in presidential and parliamentary elections, and it has the sole authority to interpret the constitution.

The Rahbar also has authority over the economically influential non-governmental foundations, which control more than 70 percent of the country's economy. He enjoys the right to dissolve parliament and to dismiss the president.

Iran's Islamic constitution is based on the doctrine of the "Guardianship of the Clergy" (velayat-e faqih) that puts state power in the hands of the theologians. It consolidates most power with the Rahbar, whose own election is delegated to the Assembly of Experts.

The first religious and political leader of Iran, Ayatollah Khomenei, was not installed in office by the Assembly of Experts. He easily maintained power, however, as he enjoyed the allegiance of the majority of the population. His successor, Ali Khamenei, was elected by the Assembly of Experts, even though he had not met the required religious qualifications and did not possess any religious authority. He has had to confront numerous problems during his reign.

The twilight of the Grand Ayatollahs

The majority of the population and even some of the organs that declared Khamenei the Rahbar follow another mujtahid in matters of religion. Montazeri, the most well-known mujtahid in Iran with the most followers, has publicly opposed Khamenei. More than five highly regarded Grand Ayatollahs have used their influence to restrict Khamenei's authority to the political sphere.

Yet, the ayatollahs have also attempted to attain greater political influence with the support of various factions within the government. As a result of the liberation of the religious universities in the Iraqi city of Najaf, the Iranian-born Ayatollah Sistani has developed into a powerful rival. The rise in power of radical left-wing fundamentalists is also forcing the current Rahbar into a difficult situation.

The radical left-wing fundamentalists adhere to a populist program marked by slogans calling for a return to the original values of the Islamic Revolution. With the support of most Revolutionary Guard commanders and the secret police, they dream of establishing a strong government, whose religious and political leader will truly implement Islamic law and rise to fight the unbelievers of the world.

This group, which currently dominates parliament and the presidential cabinet, are now striving to control the Assembly of Experts. They are attempting to oust conservatives and religious pragmatists from key positions and put pressure on the current Rahbar. According to their theoretical conception, the main goal of the Islamic government is to make way for the return of the twelfth Imam and prepare for the final battle between Islam and the unbelievers.

Faraj Sarkohi

Translated from the German by John Bergeron

Qantara.de

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