Between 130,000 and 200,000 Syrians are estimated to be missing. What happened to these people? 

The majority of Syria's missing people disappeared at the beginning of the revolution. Various actors, primarily the Syrian regime, systematically arrested demonstrators in the streets, held them in detention centres and later executed many, burying them in mass graves. Other missing persons were taken by ISIS, disappeared during operations involving the Syrian Democratic Forces, or were detained by factions such as the Free Syrian Army, the Syrian National Army and HTS.  

All military factions have committed violations, but the overwhelming majority of enforced disappearances and arbitrary detentions are attributed to the Syrian regime. It is responsible for most of Syria's missing people, a fact that has been documented by multiple human rights reports.  

Additionally, some individuals went missing during natural disasters, such as the earthquake, or while attempting to reach Europe in search of asylum. Yet more cases have been linked to criminal networks operating under Bashar al-Assad's brother Mahir.

When the prisons were opened after the fall of the Assad regime, only a few thousand prisoners were released. Did you expect more?

Based on the Caesar Files [some 28,000 photos showing the torture and killing of prisoners under the Assad regime] and from information given by defected officials, we knew about the massacres of detainees. But we did not expect that so few had survived.

In Daraa, where I am from, there was a settlement in 2018 between the regime and Russia on one side, and the revolutionists on the other side. During negotiations, the revolutionists told the regime they would give them tanks and rockets on the condition that they release all detainees from the south of Daraa. In response, the regime representatives told them to forget about any people arrested before December 2014—they were all killed.  

Do you think the same happened in other Syrian cities? 

I would say yes. When Sednaya was opened and detainees were freed, we hardly heard about any detainees freed who had been arrested before 2014—in reality there were very few. That was the regime's methodology in the beginning. Over time, I think pressure from the international community made the Syrian regime stop their systematic killing. They still killed people, but not everyone.  

How have you and others worked to find out what happened? How can your findings be used now? 

Our mandate is to locate and identify the missing people. We have been collecting data from the families of the disappeared. Working with relatives, our team fills in a 14-page form providing details on where the missing person was last seen, what they were wearing, what their eye colour is, how many teeth they were missing, any specific facial features etc. This information helps identify the missing persons before we use DNA analysis. We have also started to collect genetic samples from the families of the missing people who live in the diaspora. Last year we collected samples in Germany, the Netherlands, Austria and Luxembourg. 

How should the victims and their families be involved in this process? 

The families of missing people should always be at the forefront of our work. We need to listen to them and work with them to develop strategies. Our role is to amplify their voices, bringing them to the stage to speak for themselves. Reparations should be discussed.  

At the ICMP, we have a working group called Policy Coordination Group, where Syrian experts, lawyers, human rights advocates, doctors and family members of missing persons have gathered for several years to work on developing papers for the future of Syria. This group has issued very important papers, including an ethical framework for collecting data, a paper on how to safeguard mass graves and another on expectations for a law on missing persons.  

This is a victim-centred approach where the families participate in developing the strategy. If there is no justice for the victims and their families, people will not feel safe and there will be no sustainable peace. 

What are potential challenges in the search for Syria’s disappeared? 

Firstly, the vast number of missing persons is one of Syria's greatest challenges. Among the various cases, identifying detainees who were systematically executed and buried in mass graves may be the most straightforward to address.  

Less easy to identify are the countless civilians were killed arbitrarily—many simply passed through checkpoints when they were shot by security personnel acting independently. While these checkpoint forces operated under the regime's directives and with its approval, they did not document the individuals they killed. These victims were executed on the spot and their bodies were concealed. 

So, your task is not only identifying victims, but discovering more of them? 

Last year, the White Helmets [Syria's volunteer civil defence force] informed me that they had discovered several wells filled with bodies. Additionally, there were large-scale massacres, such as the one in Tadamon. The true number of mass graves across Syria remains unknown, but there could be thousands.  

Over the past seven years, 72 mass graves were reported to us by Syrians through a site locator on our website. Just last month, I personally received four calls from Syrians who had previously been too afraid to come forward, but who are now willing to provide information on the locations of mass graves. 

Is the interim government up to this challenge? 

It has limited experience in managing these cases. To support capacity-building efforts, we recently extended an invitation to some of their officials to visit Bosnia and learn from past experiences in forensic investigations and mass grave exhumations.  

Additionally, there are significant gaps in forensic infrastructure, including a shortage of specialised laboratories and limited financial resources. It is essential for the international community to provide technical and legal support to the new government while also respecting national sovereignty, ensuring that any assistance is extended at the government's request and in coordination with its established priorities. 

As a Syrian activist, what are your hopes for the coming months and years? 

The renowned Syrian novelist Saadallah Wannous, before his passing, requested that his tombstone bear the words: "We are controlled by hope."

This sentiment deeply resonates with me. Hope drives us forward in our pursuit of justice. My aspirations are high: I hope for accountability, justice and reparations for the families of the victims. 

While I recognise that no measure of justice can bring back the missing to their loved ones, ensuring truth and accountability is the least we can do to support them.