The decline of Tunisia's most powerful trade union

Tunisia's most powerful trade union, the Tunisian General Labour Union (UGTT), is in the grip of a severe internal crisis, as dissenting voices grow louder in their calls for the election of new leadership to restore its political and social role in the country. The crisis erupted after five members of the UGTT's executive bureau announced their secession at the end of December 2024 and demanded that the union's general congress—originally scheduled for 2027—be held in mid-2025.

The seceding members called for an end to what they described as the "state of weakness" that has plagued the union for the past three years, leading to its loss of credibility among Tunisians. The five members staged an open sit-in in front of the UGTT's headquarters in January, calling for the resignation of the current executive bureau, led by Secretary-General Noureddine Taboubi, who they accused of trying to "monopolise the organisation's leadership."

The spokesperson for this new UGTT opposition movement, Tayeb Bouaïcha, said the sit-in was a response to an escalating crisis that threatened the union's future, and that the union was in a state of complete paralysis that required meaningful action to restore its strength.

Speaking to Qantara, Bouaïcha emphasised the importance of "the independence of trade union action and the rejection of government interference in the UGTT's internal affairs," saying that the current leadership has become a heavy burden to union members and that it must be replaced and held accountable.

The roots of the crisis date back to the special congress held in Sousse in central Tunisia in 2021, where an amendment was made to Article 20 of the organisation's bylaws. The amendment allowed executive bureau and general secretariat members to hold office for several consecutive terms—they had previously been limited to only two.

As a result, in the following year, Secretary-General Noureddine Taboubi was able to run for an additional term, extending his leadership until 2027. This move marked the beginning of a deep schism between the current leadership and union members.

Founded in 1946 by Tunisian trade union leader Farhat Hached, the UGTT played a significant role in supporting Habib Bourguiba (1903–2000) who led Tunisia’s national liberation movement from French colonial rule in 1956. Since then, the union has consistently maintained its political and social reputation, in particular through its historic role after the ousting of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali during Tunisia’s Arab Spring protests in 2011. The UGTT spearheaded a national dialogue that resulted in a new constitution and the formation of a technocratic government in January 2014.

The UGTT, comprising 500,000 members, was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2015 alongside three other prominent Tunisian organizations for launching "an alternative and peaceful political process at a time when the country was on the brink of civil war," in the words of the Nobel Peace Prize Committee.

A standoff with President Kais Saied

Since then, the UGTT has been one of Tunisia's most influential political forces, influencing key government decisions, such as the selection of the prime minister and other ministers. This influence has brought the union into a confrontation with President Kais Saied, who has tightened his grip on the country since his election in late 2019.

UGTT members believe that the current government is the main beneficiary of the union's internal crisis, especially given the sharp divisions within the executive bureau on the question of how to deal with the authorities.

Observers of Tunisia's political landscape attribute the UGTT's internal struggles, in part, to President Saied's efforts to curb the union's influence on political and social affairs.

Tunisian political analyst Habib Bouajila believes that Saied recognised the UGTT as a threat to anyone seeking to consolidate power within the state. Thus, he has moved decisively to exclude and silence the union.

In 2021, Saied dismissed the government, suspended parliament, revoked parliamentary immunity and refused to engage with intermediary institutions such as political parties, trade unions and civil society organizations, accusing them of obstructing reforms.

Additionally, the authorities arrested dozens of UGTT members on charges of "corruption, fraud, and mismanagement of union funds." Taboubi condemned these arrests as "serious violations of trade union freedoms in Tunisia made against unionists' exercise of their rights," accusing the state of breaching both the constitution and international agreements.

Meanwhile, Saied's government has worked to gradually undermine the UGTT's influence by granting recognition to other trade unions. In February of last year, Saied stated that "the right to unionise is guaranteed by the constitution, but it cannot be used as cover for thinly veiled political agendas," referring to the strikes organised by the UGTT at the time.

The statement was a clear message from Saied to the UGTT, proclaiming that its era of broad influence had ended and that power must be centralised in the hands of the presidency under a strong presidential system, ostensibly to combat corruption and establish a new state that breaks with the past, according to Bouajila.

Bouajila says that these developments have relegated the UGTT to a position of subordination to authority, marking the end of a decade in which it wielded significant political influence, without being part of the official government structure. He notes that the UGTT has never been as weak or impotent as it has been during Saied's presidency.

However, despite the accusations levelled against the government for fueling the UGTT's internal conflicts, many Tunisians believe that the union—despite its pivotal role in the revolution—has overstepped its limits in terms of political intervention, obstructing crucial decisions through thousands of strikes and work stoppages, leading to the closure of numerous businesses and the flight of investors to other countries.

What happens next?

The internal divisions that emerged following the amendment of Article 20 have added fuel to the fire, further marginalising the UGTT's position. Secretary General Noureddine Taboubi has rejected the opposition's demands to hold the union's general congress and elect new leadership in 2025, insisting on the original date of 2027.

As a result, the five seceding executive bureau members continued the open sit-in in order to press their demands. Efforts by some civil society organisations and political parties to mediate between the executive bureau and the secretary general have failed.

Anwar Ben Kadour, an executive bureau member and one of the seceding members, stated that "there is still room to rectify the situation and restore order," provided that the rest of the executive bureau members heed the wishes of the majority of unionists.

Regarding the opposition's next steps, Ben Kadour confirmed that "all options remain on the table, including continuing the open sit-in. Additionally, some regional branches of the UGTT have expressed their willingness to sever ties with the current executive bureau," if it does not respond to the opposition's demands.

Bouajila suggests that the UGTT could still play a pivotal role in Tunisia's future if it manages a smooth leadership transition. Bouajila added that short of such a breakthrough, the union risks losing not only its political influence but also its societal credibility, forcing it to conform to the political and civil status quo being imposed by Kais Saied.

This article is an edited translation of the Arabic original. Translation by Basyma Saad.