"Never again" is now
The silent majority has awoken. The exposure of the AfD's deportation agenda by Correctiv has driven outraged people onto the streets. Day after day, thousands upon thousands are demonstrating for a democratic and diverse Germany and against racism and right-wing extremism. That is a clear sign.
But one thing is new: the droves of protesters today come from the broad, middle-class political centre in Germany. These are people who had long observed the rise of the AfD without much alarm or resistance.
Until now, the right wing has been quite successful in disguising its true intentions, although immigrant organisations have been warning for years of the danger from the far right. For a long time, both politicians and many voters deluded themselves into believing that, although the AfD was certainly controversial, it was still a democratic party.
Recently, however, undercover research conducted by the independent investigative journalists at Correctiv brought to light the party's true objectives. At the latest since the conspiratorial meeting held in Potsdam on 25 November 2023 and attended by avowed Nazis, representatives of the Identitarian movement, members of the so-called WerteUnion and AfD leaders, it should be amply clear that the AfD is planning mass deportations of immigrants, including German citizens. "Ethnic cleansing" according to racist criteria is something we have already experienced under the Nazi regime – with consequences that are well known. So we are not imagining things, but rather witnessing a harbinger of fascism to come.
Establishing the AfD platform
The current strength of the AfD, especially in eastern Germany, is based on the fatal developments of recent years, when the so-called popular parties allowed the AfD to establish its platform in the public consciousness, including the myth of an alleged threat posed by too much immigration. Several politicians from other parties even adopted the same narrative.
As a result, the issue moved to the forefront of media attention, regardless of the actual situation in Germany society. AfD politicians were even granted the status of experts. By lending their voice to efforts to curb migration, the CDU and FDP have ended up greatly bolstering the AfD. This strategy has thus backfired completely.
The liberal conservative parties urgently need to stop embracing AfD issues and placing them at the centre of their own policies. The AfD is a radical right-wing party and, like all such parties, it aims to incite racism and animosity against immigrants.
In the AfD's view, immigration is the root of all evil, and if all the people who have come to this country as immigrants would only get out of Germany, all the country's problems would magically be solved. This is of course utter nonsense – apart from the fact that this agenda is racist, inhumane and illegal.
Both from an economic and research-based standpoint, it has been demonstrated that Germany, with its ageing population, needs much more immigration than before rather than less.
Finding real solutions to real problems
This means the parties must find real solutions to the real problems that exist today. If there are too few teachers in schools, it is not due to the number of pupils from immigrant families but simply means that more teaching staff need to be recruited.
As long as the AfD – and other parties in its wake – blame minorities in Germany for the school crisis, housing shortage and everything else, no efforts will be made to seek solutions to existing problems.
The various parties are today trying to one-up each other with their demands for an increase in deportations. The cheapest form of populism, aimed only at achieving electoral majorities, is replacing a rational policy platform. The only ones to profit from this tactic are the AfD and all the other right-wing extremists.
A clear stance is also needed at the level of party politics. Officially, the CDU has declared incompatibility with the AfD, but at the local level the major mainstream parties already tolerate the AfD, and the FDP in particular often votes together with the AfD parliamentary groups.
This has to stop. Centre-right parties must do all they can to avoid normalising the fascists and instead unconditionally position themselves against them at all times – and they certainly must refrain from supporting the AfD for reasons of electoral tactics and power politics.
Clear rejection from the conservative camp
Germany's citizens are now defiantly rejecting this opportunistic attitude. They are taking to the streets in their hundreds of thousands: senior citizens, families with children, Germans with and without a history of immigration, people from across society, but also a large majority from the centre-right camp.
The demonstrations are a warning to the CDU that voters adamantly reject the racist policies of the AfD. This means that a coalition with the AfD at state or even federal level would be very risky for that party.
But has the CDU even taken notice of this warning signal and realised it is directed at them? And how is the government reacting to the protests? Will the AfD be banned? Simply sitting out the storm is not a viable option.
Increasingly diverse and colourful: Germany, land of immigration
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Living diversity: a "D" car sticker in a window alongside a sticker for the Turkish football club Galatasaray Istanbul -
In the 1950s, West Germany experienced its "economic miracle". In order to deal with the shortage of labour in the country, the government began recruiting so-called "guest workers" (Gastarbeiter) from abroad. Most of those who came to work in Germany had lived in poverty in their home countries, and many set off for Germany with nothing more than a suitcase. -
Between 1955 and 1968, West Germany concluded a total of nine work recruitment agreements with other countries, including Greece, Italy, Morocco, Portugal, South Korea, Spain, Tunisia, Turkey and Yugoslavia. Special placement bureaus were set up in these countries so that workers could apply for jobs in Germany. Pictured here: Turkish men queue to get into a placement bureau in Turkey. -
Before workers were permitted to leave for Germany to earn money, they were required to undergo a medical examination. The procedures took place in their country of origin. Only those deemed healthy and fit for work received the coveted jobs in West Germany. Pictured here: a man conducts a health check on men who would like to work in Germany -
In 1964, the one-millionth guest worker was welcomed to West Germany: the Portuguese carpenter Armando Rodrigues de Sa (standing beside the scooter in the dark jacket holding flowers). The 38-year-old was presented with a Mokick scooter as a present by the German Employers' Association. When he heard his name being called on the loudspeaker at Cologne-Deutz train station, he suspected the worst and hid himself out of fear of being deported. -
1967: Greek guest workers gather around a radio in Germany to listen to a news broadcast from home. Many guest workers came from Greece and Turkey. Some 1.2 million people immigrated to Germany in 2013. Today's immigrants primarily come from new EU member states. -
Turkish grocer Sabri Guler travelled right across Europe, not on a moped, but with his Ford Transit (pictured here). He bought the vehicle as a delivery van for his shop and for trips to Turkey. This model was very popular among Turkish immigrants, as practically no other vehicle offered as much storage space. This is why the Transit was commonly referred to in Germany as the "Tuerkenkutsche" (Turkish carriage). -
In the mid-1960s, East Germany was also suffering from a labour shortage. "Contract workers" (as they were known in the GDR) were primarily employed in the textile industry and came from socialist states such as Vietnam, Cuba and Algeria. There were far fewer labour immigrants in East Germany than there were in the West. In 1989, there were only 190,000 in the East as opposed to five million in the West. -
Many of the temporary "guest workers" decided to stay in West Germany and were later joined by their families. They officially became immigrants, bringing many of their customs and traditions with them. This cultural diversity has become an integral part of Germany. It is particularly evident in restaurants and take-aways around the country. Pictured here: an old restaurant sign advertising Kolsch beer from Cologne as well as Greek, Turkish, Spanish and Italian food -
In the 1980s und 1990s, the mood in Germany began to change. People became anxious about the emergence of ghettos and the rise in crime committed by young people with a migrant background. Naturally, these concerns were taken up by the media. Pictured here, back issues of "Der Spiegel" magazine highlight immigration-related topics. From left: "Borders closed for foreigners? ", "The onslaught of the poor", "Trek from the East". In the 1990s, xenophobic crimes began to increase. -
There were also cultural conflicts within many immigrant families. The German–Turkish filmmaker Fatih Akin examined the clash between a traditional Turkish Muslim upbringing and the Western lifestyle in Germany in his film "Gegen die Wand" (Head-On). In 2004, the film was the first German production for 17 years to win the Golden Bear at the Berlinale film festival. -
Carnival is hugely popular in Germany. Each year, carnival associations up and down the country appoint their "troika" for that year. This troika is made up of a "prince", a "virgin", and a "farmer". In 2011, Balam Byarubanga from Uganda was named carnival prince in Aachen. Prince Balam I was the first "dark-skinned" carnival prince in Germany. With his appointment, his carnival association wanted to take a stand against racism and to promote integration.
The media is part of the problem
The media is part of the problem because it tends to underestimate the dynamics of right-wing populist propaganda. A democratically elected party that does not advocate for democratic goals cannot simply be treated like any other party.
Giving such politicians and their supporters a constant platform so that they can continue to spread their misanthropic messages is counterproductive, because as soon as public discourse suggests that the AfD is the party that most frequently addresses the most burning issue of the day, namely limiting immigration, this gives a huge boost to the far right.
Far more important would be to let those people have a say who are directly affected by this inhumane policy, namely people from immigrant families. What will happen to marginalised minorities in those federal states where the AfD has a real chance of winning the next state elections? These people are scarcely visible in the public debate, even though their safety is under real threat.
Media-makers should also put voters in front of the camera who, despite personally difficult economic circumstances, are not about to vote for the AfD in protest, but instead support a stable democracy. Why do we hear so little from them?
"We too are citizens of this nation"
Only now, when hundreds of thousands are taking to the streets, is it becoming clear that the so-called silent majority is not on the side of the fascists. Calls for a ban on the AfD are finally being seriously discussed.
At the same time, however, the question of how to protect ethnic and religious minorities that are seriously endangered by the far right is barely addressed. More than a quarter of those living in Germany have an international family background.
The fact that millions of people are now ill at ease at the prospect of an AfD election victory, that they may already be considering leaving the country, cannot simply be accepted. We too are citizens of this nation, we too must be protected. We are the primary target of the right-wing extremists. We are not talking here about party politics, but about our very lives.
In civil society, there is a growing sense that our democracy is in danger. to stay silent means to condone what is happening. So it is all the more important that thousands of people are now raising their voices, taking to the streets despite the cold and snow, and stepping up the pressure on politicians.
The much-invoked centre of society is clearly positioning itself against the fascists – and that is very reassuring. But the question is what conclusions will be drawn and what the consequences will be. Policymakers and civil society must now take concerted action.
Many of the posters that could be seen at the demonstrations proclaimed "Never again is now!" – a direct allusion to the era of German fascism. "Never again" is a catchphrase in Germany; everyone knows what it refers to.
So far, however, all warning signs that the worst of times could return have been ignored. When fascists come to power through democratic elections, it is too late to stop them. We have to act now to prevent them from spreading their propaganda and gaining the upper hand under the guise of democracy. "Never again" is now!
© Qantara.de 2024
Translated from the German by Jennifer Taylor
Sheila Mysorekar is chairwoman of the New German Organisations, a network of around 200 post-migrant organisations and associations