Qantara: The precarious ceasefire in Gaza is technically still in place, but it's clear that the Israel–Palestine conflict is far from resolved. How can we move forward?

Yudith Oppenheimer (YO): We need to re-legitimise a genuine political negotiation process that addresses the root causes of this conflict. It's essential to secure equal rights, Palestinian statehood and inclusive security for everyone in the region. If we fail to recognise each people's right to live in dignity and self-determination and simply return to the status quo of October 6, the cycle of bloodshed will continue. 

Many argue that the two-state solution is long dead. Do you disagree? 

YO: Two states are the only viable path. If a one-state solution were ever possible, it could only be achieved through two states. 

Why? 

YO: The disparities between the two peoples are so vast, and the levels of demonisation, fear and suspicion so high, that I doubt the feasibility of a single, common state. Palestinians should first experience self-determination and the freedom to express their identity and political aspirations. Without that, a one-state solution would simply perpetuate Jewish supremacy. That said, our vision is not about total separation, but about recognising the interdependence between the two peoples. 

You laid out that vision in a paper titled "Hope from Jerusalem". Why from Jerusalem?  

YO: For decades, Jerusalem has been relegated to a "final status issue." During the Oslo process in the 1990s, the city was seen as too complicated, an obstacle to any solution, and was pushed to the sidelines.  

We argue the opposite: Jerusalem is the key to a political solution. There will be no resolution without Jerusalem as the capital for both Israelis and Palestinians. In Jerusalem, we live together in a shared space, albeit one marked by profound inequality. We have shared this city for generations, and we need to recognise the right to the city for all.    

Practically speaking, what would it mean for Jerusalem to be the capital of both Israel and a future Palestinian state?

Amy Cohen (AC): We believe in an open city without a barrier dividing the city in half. Settler enclaves in the heart of Palestinian neighborhoods should be dismantled, and East Jerusalem must have organic urban contiguity to function as a real capital. Civilian possession of weapons should end, and freedom of access to holy sites must be guaranteed for everyone, with support from international entities such as Jordan.

YO: This can work in Jerusalem, and if it works here, it can work elsewhere. In Jerusalem, Israelis and Palestinians have already developed a know-how of sharing public spaces, higher education and other elements of inclusive peace and security, fostering interdependence and cooperation. 

Isn't that a somewhat romantic view of life in Jerusalem?

YO: We certainly don't want to downplay anything. East Jerusalem is occupied, and there are huge disparities between Israeli and Palestinian Jerusalemites. Also, we are well aware of what has happened in the city in the shadow of the Gaza war. 

What are you alluding to?  

AC: The state advanced nine new settlements with more than 20,000 housing units in East Jerusalem. Many are located in the heart of Palestinian neighbourhoods, further fragmenting the space. This seals the final deal of the conflict—an apartheid reality or occupation, whatever you want to call it.  

Add to this the home demolitions. In 2024, East Jerusalem saw the highest number on record: 181 Palestinian homes demolished, families displaced. 2025 is on track to be the second-highest.  

There's also the suppression of Palestinian identity, for instance, Palestinian bookstores raided and their owners arrested.  

What do you mean when you say this happened in the shadow of the war?  

AC: Obviously, Jerusalem—and the West Bank—hasn't received enough attention, even if the situation can't be compared to the carnage in Gaza. But what's unfolding across the Palestinian territories follows the same overarching policy, one of destruction and displacement, uprooting Palestinians not only from their private homes but from their collective home. Despite all this, in Jerusalem, we and our Palestinian counterparts have managed to maintain a degree of calm and interdependence. 

What does this interdependence look like? 

YO: On the streets of Jerusalem, you may hear extremist views. Yet, Israelis walk in the park alongside Palestinians, ride the same light rail, go to hospitals where Palestinian doctors treat them, or work together in shared workplaces. What people practice in their daily lives can be very powerful in normalising progressive concepts. Still, that alone isn't enough. We also need an active civil society on both sides. 

What does this civil society currently do? 

YO: After October 7, when some Palestinians were afraid to leave their homes, we launched an assistance forum. Activities ranged from delivering food packages and escorting people to work to supporting educational needs.  

AC: Another example is language exchange. Hebrew classes for Palestinians and Arabic classes for Israelis are packed. There are also feminist initiatives offering support on fertility issues in both languages. 

YO: But it's important to understand that no forms of cooperation and interdependence are encouraged by the government. Those now in power in Jerusalem feel that they can move forward with their plan of Jewish supremacy. 

When Trump visited Jerusalem in mid-October, he didn't mention the two-state solution a single time. However, the US administration seems to be keeping the door open for Palestinian statehood ...  

AC: ... based on Israel's terms for a two-state solution! Trump's 20-point plan to end the war in September mentioned a "political horizon" and "Palestinian statehood," but it didn't say what that means exactly. My concern is that these terms were included merely to placate the international community as well as the Palestinians without any intent to really follow through. Trump refuses to comment on anything regarding the West Bank or East Jerusalem, which is extremely concerning. What we're seeing from the U.S. is not a peace initiative. 

Back in 2020, Trump and Kushner did explicitly talk about the West Bank and Jerusalem when they proposed a sort of two-state solution in their "deal of the century".  

YO: That plan recycled the idea of some Israeli policymakers to invent a Palestinian Jerusalem outside of Jerusalem. So, Trump proposed the city of Abu Dis as a Palestinian capital—adjacent to Jerusalem, but far from its historical heart.  

This will never be accepted by the Palestinians. It was humiliating and shows how disrespectful they are toward Palestinians as partners! It's the ultimate example of how Trump's approach is a fantasy of the Israeli far-right. It's the opposite of our vision. 

Many Western countries have recently recognised a Palestinian state. Do such moves advance your vision? 

YO: Recognition is a symbolic act, but symbolism is extremely important. It's the most powerful declaration of support for the two-state solution. At the same time, it must be translated into reality.  

What does it take to really move toward a political settlement of the conflict? 

YO: The Arab states need to stay engaged and use their leverage with Trump and the Palestinians. Europe, including Germany as Israel's second-closest ally, must work with both parties while also drawing clear red lines.  

The terrible developments of the past two years have revived the idea of a two-state solution, but without international insistence on the genuine terms of a solution, we'll end up stuck again.  

AC: For decades, but even more so over the past two years, we've seen constant breaches of global parameters, not only in terms of a two-state solution, but the world order in general. This erosion of accountability led to October 7 and the mass devastation in Gaza.  

Yes, there is agency and responsibility on Israel's side, and on the Palestinian side. But, at the same time, it is the international community's responsibility to hold both parties to account. 

They can pressure both sides, not to settle for a mere ceasefire, but to actually compel Israel and the Palestinians to chart a path toward a political process that leads to self-determination, equal rights for all between the river and the sea, and ultimately, regional stability.

Transparency note: Ir Amim receives funding from the zivik Funding Programme at the Institute for Foreign Cultural Relations (ifa).