"We offer an alternative to propaganda and hate"

Qantara: Syria is currently in a phase of considerable instability, marked by social tension and political uncertainty. Against this backdrop, what is currently the biggest challenge for independent journalism in Syria?
Kholoud Helmi: Misinformation is spreading rapidly. Millions of rumours start every single day on social media. When the violations in the coastal areas took place between the new government and fighters allied with the ousted Assad regime, which resulted in the mass killing of Alawite civilians, fake videos were circulated on social media.

They actually showed crimes committed by the Assad Regime in 2012, repurposed and posted again. There is no need for fake videos to prove that violations took place. They happened. I know this is a global issue, but in Syria, it's deadly, because many people will believe anything. We are in a very critical situation, and it will be challenging to combat all the hate speech and misinformation.
This development is being exacerbated by other societal issues. "Othering" is widespread. Displaced people feel resentment toward those who stayed in Damascus or Aleppo, for example. They think: "We fled, we suffered, we lived in camps. They just stayed home." But those who stayed suffered too. Everyone struggled. But no one believes that we all suffered.
In all of this, how do you understand the role of Enab Baladi?
Independent media is crucial for keeping peace. We want to counter misinformation and offer an alternative to propaganda and hate. We've been part of the fight for independent media for 14 years. Many see us as one of the main pillars of the free press in Syria. Returning now sends a powerful message: that we are not giving up. We are here to stay and to keep that space for ethical journalism alive.
For a long time, Syrians were wary of journalists, especially those associated with state media. Is that still the case?
You see two different types of people. People who are really hungry for any microphone shoved in their face, ready to speak. Because they've never been able to do so, and now they can.
The second group is people who are used to being suspicious, unfortunately. If you go to them and try to ask them a question, they don't want to talk in front of the camera. I completely understand this because they've been living in fear for so long. They have seen a lot of people disappear or be killed just because they spoke up.
You founded Enab Baladi in 2011 with a group of anti-government activists in Daraya. In 2014, you were forced into exile in Turkey. In January, Enab Baladi reopened an office in Damascus.
Yes, Enab Baladi is back in Syria, and we are fully operational. We're printing the paper again and distributing it on the streets of Damascus. We also held our first training session for journalists. I can't return myself, as I have refugee status in the UK. But in a way, it feels like I'm back there too.
Before the fall of the Assad regime, I had started to accept that we might never return. It felt like Assad would remain in power forever, especially with so many countries normalising relations with his regime.

Assad's long shadow
In Syria, "minority protection" has long been used as a pretext for pitting religious and ethnic groups against each other. We Syrians must refuse the weaponisation of our identities, because the new government is counting on division.
When we had the opportunity to return, we knew we had to reclaim that space. It was never our choice to leave. We were forced into exile, displaced and made refugees. So, when the regime fell, we made a decision. We did have our doubts and asked ourselves, "Is it safe? Is it really the right time?" But we wanted to show that we're not in exile anymore. We have a home. We have land. We are back.
What logistical and financial challenges did you face when returning to Damascus, and which challenges still exist today?
This all happened at the time when President Trump cut all funding to Syria. We lost all USAID-related funding, such as that from the International Research & Exchanges Board (IREX). When US aid stopped, European and UK funding also dropped significantly.
Fortunately, we've been diversifying our income since 2014, and we still receive funds from European stakeholders and other big organisations that support independent media. However, we still have to budget and reconsider how we operate. Prices in Damascus spiked after the regime fell, due to the demand and destruction everywhere. So we had to reallocate funds, cut costs and shift resources to be able to finance the transition.
One of the biggest logistical hurdles was that some of our co-founders still can't safely go back. Those members of the team who were able to do so looked for new employees. The process raised many questions. For example, how do we screen new people to ensure that they share our values? Despite the hurdles, we managed to do it.
You said that the newspaper is distributed free of charge on the streets, and it is also available online. How do people react to your reporting?
Readership in Syria has increased massively. People read the newspaper because it provides verified information and because the Assad regime blocked us for so long.
What is needed now to ensure that your work can continue without problems in the future?
Currently, we are operating within really huge margins of freedom. We have the liberty to report on anything. We criticise the government, for example. We have reported on the violations that happened in the coastal areas. Enab Baladi is printed in Syria, in Damascus. We had copies sent to the Ministry of Press and Information. Nobody came to us saying we're not supposed to do that. We are also able to contact ministers, officials in the government. Most of the time, they are very helpful and they answer most questions.
But we need more. For example, I think we should have been able to go to the coastal areas immediately when the conflict there started. We should have been able to report from there directly. But we did not dare to send our reporters to the area because what if one of our reporters was abducted or killed? I think one of the main priorities for the future is to ensure safety for journalists.
We don't know if we will keep these freedoms or if the government might start creating obstacles for journalists. We need to be present before they start blockading things. I don't know what is going to happen next. It's not that I don't trust the current government. I am just very cautiously optimistic. I'm not used to things being calm and fine.
I believe that all independent media should start operating from Syria now, because we will be the people who are going to defend the freedom of the press if people try to curb it.

What will become of Syria?
The question of Syria's future is the focus of the latest issue of Kulturaustausch, who we've partnered with for the first time. The answers come from our Syrian contributors. Articles are now available online in English.
Are you planning to bring the entire team back to Syria in the long term?
Yes. The editors in Turkey, Germany and elsewhere are currently still part of the extended team. However, we are discussing their willingness to return, and we are negotiating their transition. Unfortunately, there are some people who prefer not to return. We are mentally preparing ourselves for this loss. Unfortunately, in financial terms, in practical terms, this is life. Operating inside Syria is, unfortunately, cheaper than in Turkey or Europe. Salaries are lower.
You are the longest-running independent Syrian media outlet. Under the Assad regime, you faced many challenges. Journalists were targeted, imprisoned and killed. Media outlets were under financial pressure. How did you survive those years?
We had a great team—people who believed in Enab Baladi from the start. We owe this continuity to many, but especially our editor-in-chief and managing editors. They worked for almost nothing and gave up so much of their personal lives.
I never stopped speaking about Enab Baladi: in conferences, meetings and documentaries. We kept our name alive. We maintained credibility and ethics, and we didn't change our values.
We also carry the legacy of the six members, one of whom was my brother, who were killed by the regime. What keeps us going is the conviction that they would have done the same for us.
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