Qantara: As a researcher of protest movements, what has surprised you about the recent demonstrations in Morocco?

Mohammed Samouni: The emergence of a dynamic Moroccan youth protest movement with social demands was foreseeable. Several studies and official reports have predicted that social unrest among young people was inevitable if there were no fundamental reforms to the overall political system.

One 2023 report by the Moroccan Economic, Social and Environmental Council found that 1.5 million young people without jobs or education represented a "time bomb" in Moroccan society. In that respect, the Generation Z protests weren't a huge surprise.

The nature of the organisation has, however, surprised observers and members of the political elite, who were preparing for a routine campaign ahead of next year's parliamentary elections. What I find particularly interesting is the way that these demonstrations break with traditional forms of protest: until the current wave, demonstrations in Morocco have mostly been organised around specific events by parties and trade unions. These demonstrations were often seasonal and folkloric, rather than seriously political.

How do you explain this new dynamic?

These young people are defending their right to peaceful protest, as the footage makes clear. From the beginning, they have acted with responsibility, in their dealings with the police, in their condemnation of arrests under the slogan "You have no right!", and in their efforts to keep demonstrations non-violent. (Editor's note: three people have died during the protests.)

But the most significant change, in my opinion, is how the public debate is being conducted via the Discord app. These young people differ in mentality, composition and language from that of most Moroccan political forces, including the established non-parliamentary opposition.

Discord brings together activists and intellectuals who had withdrawn from public debate or been cancelled. The digital space allows them to express their opinions and analyses of events in Morocco.  

The demonstrators are focusing on two main demands: improving the healthcare and education systems. What conclusions can you draw from this? 

Focusing on these two social demands reflects the considerable maturity of this protest movement, which has placed public policy priorities at the centre of its critique. Young protestors have highlighted the stark contrast between the government's rhetoric around the welfare state on the one hand and its large-scale entertainment projects on the other, and have formulated a clear slogan: "We don't want a World Cup, we want health first."

Morocco will host the 2030 World Cup with Portugal and Spain. Are Morocco's investments in its international image—such as those in green hydrogen technology—coming at the expense of the social needs of its citizens?

This trend is not new and, in fact, has already led to local protest movements, for example, in 2017 in the cities of Al Hoceima and Jerada. In 2011, protests broke out in Khouribga and Youssoufia due to the failure of the state-owned phosphate company Office Chérifien des Phosphates (OCP) to contribute to youth employment and regional development. 

We've also seen protests against the Noor solar energy project in Ouarzazate, which, according to official reports, costs the state $80 million annually.

As this pattern of poorly conceived projects continues, discontent has taken root in various regions of Morocco. According to the National Human Rights Council, there were more than 11,000 protests in 2023 alone.

Young people have realised that current policies are neglecting what should be priorities for the state: high-quality education and a functioning healthcare system.  

Has the Generation Z movement in Morocco been influenced by similar protest movements in countries such as Nepal and Madagascar?

Definitely. The way they are organised through the Discord app, the nature of the protests from the first day and the name of the movement itself (Gen Z 212) show that lessons have been learned from Madagascar and Nepal. Young people today are possibly more familiar with what's happening internationally than with what's happening in the two chambers of the Moroccan parliament or the various ministries. This is nothing new; we witnessed it back in 2011 during the Arab Spring protests.

Observers believe that the current protests reflect a deeper crisis in the political system and not just a crisis of governance. Do you agree?

What has been happening in Morocco for years is primarily a political crisis resulting from the decline of political and social mediators like political parties and civil society actors. Even trade unions, which focus on social issues, represent only part of the working class.

Though their demands are social, the current protests are definitely political in nature. After the government failed to respond to their demands, the movement added a political one: the dismissal of Aziz Akhannouch's government. Young people want to hold political leaders accountable. 

A youth protest movement has emerged that is not affiliated with any political party and has officially rejected any connection to political organisations since its inception. The political crisis is structural. We're witnessing a stalemate that reflects a lack of trust in the government's role as mediator. The movement seeks to communicate with those who actually govern, rather than those who represent the government externally.

How do you interpret the response of the Moroccan political system to these protests?

It is important to note that the protesters' perceptions of time differ fundamentally from those of the political system. The current protest movement insists on an immediate response to its demands, while the state acts relatively long-term, especially when it comes to reforms.  

What impact this will have, whether it leads to continued mobilisation or a decline in protests, will depend on how the political leadership communicates and the behaviour of authorities on the ground.

Young people had high hopes that King Mohammed VI would address their demands in his speech to parliament on 10 October. However, he failed to meet their expectations. Can the movement still achieve real concessions, or are the protests merely a way of venting anger? 

Discussions on Discord show that young people are disappointed that the king did not respond to their central political demand, namely, the resignation of the Akhannouch government. This disappointment could lead to a decline in street protests or raise the bar for more comprehensive political demands.

Both scenarios could undermine the potential for mobilisation, especially if future protests are violently dispersed or if the arrests and prosecutions of activists involved in this protest movement continue. It remains to be seen whether a lasting protest movement will emerge or whether the protests will be able to force substantial concessions.  

This is a revised and abridged translation of the Arabic original.